A Vision of United India

Manekshaw interview on Kashmir

Sam Manekshaw, the first field marshal in the Indian army, was at the ringside of events when Independent India was being formed. Then a colonel, he was chosen to accompany V P Menon on his historic mission to Kashmir. This is his version of that journey and its aftermath, as recorded in an interview with Prem Shankar Jha.

At about 2.30 in the afternoon, General Sir Roy Bucher walked into my room and said, 'Eh, you, go and pick up your toothbrush. You are going to Srinagar with V P Menon. The flight will take off at about 4 o'clock'. I said, 'why me, sir?'

'Because we are worried about the military situation. V P Menon is going there to get the accession from the Maharaja and Mahajan.' I flew in with V P Menon in a Dakota. Wing Commander Dewan, who was then squadron leader Dewan, was also there. But his job did not have anything to with assessing the military situation. He was sent by the Air Force because it was the Air Force which was flying us in.'

Since I was in the Directorate of Military Operations, and was responsible for current operations all over India, West Frontier, the Punjab, and elsewhere, I knew what the situation in Kashmir was. I knew that the tribesmen had come in -initially only the tribesmen - supported by the Pakistanis.

Fortunately for us, and for Kashmir, they were busy raiding, raping all along. In Baramulla they killed Colonel D O T Dykes. Dykes and I were of the same seniority. We did our first year's attachment with the Royal Scots in Lahore, way back in 1934-5. Tom went to the Sikh regiment. I went to the Frontier Force regiment. We'd lost contact with each other. He'd become a lieutenant colonel. I'd become a full colonel.

Tom and his wife were holidaying in Baramulla when the tribesmen killed them. The Maharaja's forces were 50 per cent Muslim and 50 per cent Dogra.

The Muslim elements had revolted and joined the Pakistani forces. This was the broad military situation. The tribesmen were believed to be about 7 to 9 kilometers from Srinagar. I was sent into get the precise military situation. The army knew that if we had to send soldiers, we would have to fly them in.

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Therefore, a few days before, we had made arrangements for aircraft and for soldiers to be ready.

But we couldn't fly them in until the state of Kashmir had acceded to India. From the political side, Sardar Patel and V P Menon had been dealing with Mahajan and the Maharaja, and the idea was that V.P Menon would get the Accession, I would bring back the military appreciation and report to the government. The troops were already at the airport, ready to be flown in. Air Chief Marshall Elmhurst was the air chief and he had made arrangements for the aircraft from civil and military sources.

Anyway, we were flown in. We went to Srinagar. We went to the palace. I have never seen such disorganisation in my life. The Maharaja was running about from one room to the other. I have never seen so much jewellery in my life --pearl necklaces, ruby things, lying in one room; packing here, there, everywhere. There was a convoy of vehicles.

The Maharaja was coming out of one room, and going into another saying, 'Alright, if India doesn't help, I will go and join my troops and fight (it) out'.

I couldn't restrain myself, and said, 'That will raise their morale sir'. Eventually, I also got the military situation from everybody around us, asking what the hell was happening, and discovered that the tribesmen were about seven or nine kilometres from what was then that horrible little airfield.

V P Menon was in the meantime discussing with Mahajan and the Maharaja. Eventually the Maharaja signed the accession papers and we flew back in the

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Dakota late at night. There were no night facilities, and the people who were helping us to fly back, to light the airfield, were Sheikh Abdullah, Kasimsahib, Sadiqsahib, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, D P Dhar with pine torches, and we flew back to Delhi. I can't remember the exact time. It must have been 3 o'clock or 4 o'clock in the morning.

(On arriving at Delhi) the first thing I did was to go and report to Sir Roy Bucher. He said, 'Eh, you, go and shave and clean up. There is a cabinet meeting at 9 o'clock. I will pick you up and take you there.' So I went home, shaved, dressed, etc. and Roy Bucher picked me up, and we went to the cabinet meeting.

The cabinet meeting was presided by Mountbatten. There was Jawaharlal Nehru, there was Sardar Patel, there was Sardar Baldev Singh. There were other ministers whom I did not know and did not want to know, because I had nothing to do with them. Sardar Baldev Singh I knew because he was the minister for defence, and I knew Sardar Patel, because Patel would insist that V P Menon take me with him to the various states.

Almost every morning the Sardar would sent for V P, H M Patel and myself. While Maniben (Patel's daughter and de facto secretary) would sit cross-legged with a Parker fountain pen taking notes, Patel would say, 'V P, I want Baroda. Take him with you.' I was the bogeyman. So I got to know the Sardar very well.

At the morning meeting he handed over the (Accession) thing. Mountbatten turned around and said, ' come on Manekji (He called me Manekji instead of Manekshaw), what is the military situation?' I gave him the military situation, and

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told him that unless we flew in troops immediately, we would have lost Srinagar, because going by road would take days, and once the tribesmen got to the airport and Srinagar, we couldn't fly troops in. Everything was ready at the airport.

As usual Nehru talked about the United Nations, Russia, Africa, God almighty, everybody, until Sardar Patel lost his temper. He said, 'Jawaharlal, do you want Kashmir, or do you want to give it away'. He (Nehru) said,' Of course, I want Kashmir (emphasis in original). Then he (Patel) said 'Please give your orders'. And before he could say anything Sardar Patel turned to me and said, 'You have got your orders'.

I walked out, and we started flying in troops at about 11 o'clock or 12 o'clock. I think it was the Sikh regiment under Ranjit Rai that was the first lot to be flown in. And then we continued flying troops in. That is all I know about what happened. Then all the fighting took place. I became a brigadier, and became director of military operations and also if you will see the first signal to be signed ordering the cease-fire on 1 January (1949) had been signed by Colonel Manekshaw on behalf of C-in-C India, General Sir Roy Bucher. That must be lying in the Military Operations Directorate.

Excerpted from Kashmir 1947, Rival Versions of History, by Prem Shankar Jha, Oxford University Press, 1996, Rs 275, with the publisher's permission.Readers in the US may secure a copy of the book from Oxford University Press Inc USA, 198, Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016, USA. Tel: 212-726-6000. Fax: 212-726

SEAN P. WINCHELL INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INTELLIGENCE

Sean P. Winchell teaches in the Grandview, Missouri, School District. He earned honors degrees in Political Science and History at the State University of New York, Stony Brook.

From International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence, 16: 374-388, 2003

Pakistan's ISI: The Invisible Government

Since partition, no political force within Pakistan has driven the nation's domestic and international political agenda as has its army, and more specifically, one of its intelligence units, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). Agency. Comprised of the three branches of Pakistan's military, the Army, Navy, and Air Force, the ISI, in its time has

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been linked to political assassinations, the smuggling of heroin and opium, and the smuggling of materials and components for nuclear weapons. From headquarters on Khayban-e Suharwady Street in Islamabad, the ISI has worked to suppress political opposition to the military regimes that have dotted Pakistan's political landscape since 1947. It has also embraced radical Islamic extremism and worked with the United States in aiding the Afghan mujahideen in expelling the Soviets from Afghanistan. At the same time, it has been charged with using Islamic militants in a campaign of terror to wrench control of the provinces of Jammu and Kashmir from the Indians. Now, in light of the events of 11 September 2001, ISI's exploits over the course of the last fifty years have entered into the Western Hemisphere's mainstream press as the United States is compelled to work with the organization in pursuing its war on terror. 1

BACKGROUND

In 1948, following Pakistan's loss of the first Indo-Pakistani War, and the abysmal intelligence performance of Pakistan's intelligence service, the Intelligence Bureau, the then-Deputy Army Chief of Staff. General R. Cawthorne 2 formed the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency. 3

Created from the three branches of Pakistan's military, and modeled after Iran's intelligence service, the SAVAK, the ISI coordinates with the Army, Navy, and Air Force intelligence units of Pakistan's military in the collection, analysis, and dissemination of military and nonmilitary intelligence, focusing mainly on India. After receiving its training from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the French intelligence service, the SDECE4, the ISI originally had no active role in conducting domestic intelligence collection activities, except in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (POK) and Pakistan's Northern Areas (NA) of Gilgit and Baltistan. The ISI's role in Pakistani politics changed in 1958, when then-Army Chief of Staff General Ayub Khan seized power in a coup, adding a new political dimension to the ISI's responsibilities.5

THE ISI UNDER AYUB KHAN

Prior to the 1958 coup and the implementation of martial law, the ISI, which is part of Pakistan's Ministry of Defense, reported directly to the Army Chief of Sta. After the implementation of martial law, the ISI began to report to then-President Ayub Khan and the martial law administrator. In addition, under General Khan, the ISI became responsible for monitoring Pakistani politicians, especially those in what was then Eastern Pakistan. Khan expanded the ISI's role to the protection of Pakistan's interests, which included the creation of a covert action division within the ISI to assist Islamic militants in Northeast India, as well as to assist the Sikh Home Rule Movement in the 1960s.6 Under General Khan, the ISI was given the mission of conducting ''the collection of foreign and domestic intelligence, coordination of intelligence functions of the three military services; surveillance over its cadre, foreigners, the media, politically active segments of Pakistani society, diplomats serving outside of the country; the interception and monitoring of communications; and the conduct of covert operations.''7 Through the 1960s, the ISI and other Pakistani intelligence services were largely concerned with conducting domestic counterintelligence operations. At the behest of Ayub Kahn, the ISI warned social organizations with potential political influence, such as student groups, trade organizations, and unions not to become involved in the political arena, and kept these groups under tight surveillance. In addition, the ISI instructed Islamic clerics to leave any political rhetoric out of their exhortations. 8 General Khan

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further expanded the ISI's powers when he began to suspect the loyalty of Bengali officers in the Intelligence Bureau's Dhaka Branch in East Pakistan. Khan ordered the ISI to conduct domestic intelligence operations in the region, and to monitor East Pakistani politicians. 9

375 PAKISTAN'S ISI: THE INVISIBLE GOVERNMENT AND COUNTERINTELLIGENCE VOLUME 16, NUMBER 3

During the 1964 presidential elections the ISI became particularly active. The ISI monitored candidates running for office, especially in what was then East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), keeping Bengali politicians in Dhaka, Pakistan's legislative capital, 10 under close surveillance. The ISI attempted to keep Khan apprised of the political mood in East Pakistan, which the ISI believed had swung in favor of President Khan. But the ISI had miscalculated the popularity of Khan's opponent, Fatima Jinnah. 11 The following year, the ISI's intelligence collection and analysis during the Indo-Pakistani War, which took place over Kashmir, was a fiasco. The ISI, under Director-General Brigadier Riaz Hussain, 12 was then vigorously conducting domestic intelligence collection operations inside Kashmir, and had numerous assets inside the Indian-controlled sector. Once the conflict started, all its assets in the region went underground, blinding the ISI to what was occurring, both militarily and politically. This included losing track of a division of Indian tanks. Part of the problem that faced the ISI was that prior to the conflict, it had devoted itself to domestic intelligence operations, including keeping track of the regime's various political opponents. The ISI had also been conducting intelligence operations against India. As a result, the ISI was at a complete loss in addressing the army's (and the government's) needs for timely military intelligence. Through the late 1960s and into the 1970s, the ISI worked in tandem with the CIA, under the Richard Nixon administration, to provide aid and support to the Khalistan movement in Punjab.13 In addition, the CIA and the ISI collaborated to discredit then-Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's granting of naval facilities to the Soviet Union at Vizag and on the Andaman and Nicobar islands. The program came to an end with Gandhi's death in 1984.14

YAHYA KHAN AND THE GROWTH OF ISI

Under President Yahya Khan, the ISI once again escalated its domestic intelligence collection activities, especially in East Pakistan. It sought to guarantee that no East Pakistani candidate would win the presidential election. But, the operation was a complete failure. Throughout the 1960s, the Awami League, led by Bengali leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, gained in popularity. In 1970, the Awami League won an overwhelming majority of seats to the National Assembly in the general election and, under Parliamentary law, had the right to form a government with Rahman as the newly elected Prime Minister. President Khan, who did not want to grant East Pakistan greater political autonomy, then delayed the commencement of the National Assembly, which in turn provoked a civil war. 15

376 SEAN P. WINCHELL

For the next two years, as East and West Pakistan fought a bloody civil war, the ISI attempted to crush the Bengali resistance movement in East Pakistan. The ISI's efforts included the assassination of several prominent Bengali politicians. The conflict was finally brought to an end in late 1971 when the Indian military interceded on behalf of the

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East Pakistani government, leading to the defeat of Pakistan proper on 16 December 1971, and the formation of Bangladesh, or the Bengali state.16 Following Pakistan's defeat and the independence of Bangladesh, Yahya Khan was forced to step down and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was elected President of Pakistan.

THE ISI IN A DEMOCRACY

President Bhutto tried to bring the ISI under control by appointing Lieutenant General Gulam Gilani Khan as its director. At Khan's behest, Bhutto promoted Lieutenant General Zia ul-Haq to the position of Army Chief of Staff .Despite being in a democracy, the ISI had become so entrenched in Pakistani society by the time that President Bhutto came to power that it was readily adopted by his regime. In 1972, Bhutto, faced with a revolt by Baluchistani nationals in Baluchistan, and suspecting the loyalty of officers in the Quetta branch of the Intelligence Bureau, once again increased the ISI's mandate, making it responsible for conducting intelligence operations in the region.17

In March 1977, Pakistan held its first general elections, with Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP) winning a substantial victory. His opponents decried the election results as fraudulent. These accusations led to violent protests and strikes. On 5 July 1977, General Zia ul-Haq, with the aid of the ISI, seized power in a coup. Zia then ordered Bhutto's arrest and had him tried for the 1974 murder of a political opponent. Convicted of the murder, Bhutto, on 4 April 1979, amid worldwide protests, was executed. On 17 September 1978, amidst the negative fanfare, Zia declared himself President and ruled under martial law until 30 December 1985, when he restored some of the Pakistani people's civil rights.

ZIA UL-HAQ AND THE SOVIET INVASION OF AFGHANISTAN

The son of an Islamic cleric, Zia was a fundamentalist who believed that the only way Pakistan could become a major regional power was to turn it into an Islamic state. Consequently, he made a deliberate attempt to Islamize the Pakistani military. During this period, officers were actively encouraged to become Islamic fundamentalists, and only those officers who were practicing Muslims received promotion. Experts now believe that approximately thirty percent of the country's army officers are Islamic fundamentalists. 18 The ISI's powers were expanded to collect domestic intelligence on political and religious organizations that were opposed to Zia's regime. In addition, the ISI began to smuggle arms and aid to Sikh extremists in the Indian province of Punjab. 19

In 1974, India conducted its first nuclear test, Pokharan I. In tandem with Pakistan's third defeat at the hands of India, the Bhutto government had established a division within the ISI to conduct the ''clandestine procurement'' of nuclear materials and missile technology from China and North Korea. In order to hide the establishment of the nuclear weapons program, the division received funding from both Saudi Arabia and Libya. In addition, proceeds from heroin and opium smuggling were deferred to the program. Finally, the ISI also began smuggling nuclear technology out of Europe, all of which the United States knew, but did nothing about. 20

The Soviet Union's 1979 invasion of Afghanistan compelled the CIA to increase its ties with the ISI. The Agency had previously been working with the ISI to discredit Indira Gandhi and to aid the Sikh Home Rule Movement. Now, the CIA began collaborating with the ISI in training the Afghan mujahideen to combat the Soviets, also providing them with logistical support and financial and military aid.21

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CIA intelligence officers were sent to Pakistan to liaise with the ISI, and members of the ISI's covert action division received training in the United States. The CIA, through the ISI, ultimately channeled some three billion dollars worth of arms to the Afghan mujahideen.22 But the CIA did not know at the time that the ISI was not using all of the arms or money as Washington had intended. The ISI was appropriating arms destined for the mujahideen and selling them to the Iranians and pocketing the proceeds. When the Ronald Reagan administration learned of the ISI's activities, it sent a fact-finding mission to Pakistan to investigate. But by then the ISI had already altered its records of the transactions and destroyed any evidence that might show its complicity. The ISI was also using the CIA-provided funds to enroll graduates from Pakistani madrasas23 to fight in the war against the Soviets, and in the process laying the ground for the rise of the Taliban.24 Between 1983 and 1997, the ISI trained approximately 83,000 Afghan mujahideen. For its efforts Pakistan paid a price, as Soviet forces located inside Afghanistan began bombing Pakistani cities located along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. 25 In addition to supporting Afghan mujahideen fighters, the ISI began to assist Kashmiri separatists in their efforts to make Kashmir part of Pakistan. In 1988, as part of that support, then-President Zia created Operation Topac. 26 The idea behind the project was to avenge Pakistan's defeat in the 1971 war with India and, in the process, attempt to balkanize it. Operation Topac had three operational objectives: (1) the disintegration of India; (2) the utilization of spy networks to conduct acts of sabotage; and (3) the ISI was to ''exploit porous borders with Nepal and Bangladesh to establish bases and conduct operations'' [inside India].27 In addition, the CIA gave a wink and a nod to the production of opium and heroin in northern Afghanistan under the ISI's auspices. The growth and sale of the substances is important for three reasons: (1) The drugs and their subsequent use by many of the Soviet forces stationed in Afghanistan turned many of the Soviets stationed there into drug addicts, diminishing both their will and their ability to fight; (2) the proceeds from the sale of the heroin in Europe and the United States afforded the ISI the opportunity to continue to finance its proxy war against the Soviets; and (3) the proceeds from the drugs also helped to support Pakistan's burgeoning nuclear weapons program. It, too, was a program the United States knew of, but did nothing about. Following the expulsion of the Soviets from Afghanistan, heroin smugglers in Pakistan used their experience from Afghanistan to increase their smuggling to the West. 28 Several notable terrorists rose out of the ashes of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and the CIA-ISI's joint efforts to oust them. Included among them are Ramzi Yousef, the individual responsible for the February 1993 bombing of New York City's World Trade Center; Mir Aimal Kansi, who in 1993 murdered two CIA employees outside of CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia; and Osama bin-Laden, as well as a whole host of Islamic militants in the Philippines and narcotics smugglers in Pakistan. 29

THE KASHMIR ISSUE

Since partition in 1947, Pakistan has tried in vain to wrest control of Muslim dominated Jammu and Kashmir from India. For most of this period, the ISI has used Islamic militants living in Kashmir to foment discord. Since partition the ISI has also served as the ''principal liaison'' with militant Islamic organizations, many of which the United States now considers terrorist organizations. Included are the Allah Tigers, al-Umar Mujahideen, Harkat ul-Ansar, Hizb-ul-Islam, Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, Jamaat Hurriyat Conference, and the Muslim mujahideen.30 Joint Intelligence North (JIN), the ISI section

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that supervises Islamic militants in Jammu and Kashmir, has been largely responsible for providing financial aid, military assistance, and logistical assistance to militants in the region.31 The modern plan to drive India out of Jammu and Kashmir was formulated in 1984 by then ISI Director-General Hamid Gul. The ISI 379 originally implemented its plan via propaganda, then steadily increased pressure in the 1990s as ISI-backed Islamic militants began to launch strikes and street rallies. The militants then conducted terrorist attacks against Indian interests in Kashmir. 32 Young Islamic militants were trained in Jammu and Kashmir, and the ISI is believed to have funded the campaigns of Kashmiri politicians or bribed them outright, to gain their support. 33 Starting in 1989, following the withdrawal of Soviet forces and the election of Benazir Bhutto 34 to the presidency, the ISI began supporting Islamic separatist organizations, such as the Jamaat E-Islami as part of a ''process of Islamization and revolt.'' 35 Consequently, the ISI started using monies garnered from its Afghani drug smuggling operation to finance ISI-backed terrorist incursions into the Indian provinces of Kashmir and Punjab.36 The ISI is believed to spend nearly Rs 100 Crores 37 every year to run its proxy war in Kashmir. Islamic militants inside Jammu and Kashmir receive arms and ammunition from the ISI. It also directs indoctrination programs and runs training camps, which in turn produce seasoned and motivated Islamic militants experienced in the use of advanced weapons systems and explosives.38 According to the Indian military, prior to 11 September 2001, the ISI had approximately thirty camps running in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and Pakistan proper. It was assisted in running these camps by the Harkat-ul-Ansar (HUA),39 which is known for having close ties with Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda terrorist network. The HUA's two militias, the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen and Harkat-ul-Jihad, provide food, shelter, and clothing for trainees at these camps. In addition, the ISI has contracted militants from Afghanistan, Bahrain, Chechnya, Iran, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Turkey, and Yemen to fight in Kashmir.40 Finally, the ISI is known to have supplied Islamic militants in Kashmir with assault rifles and more advanced weapons systems, which included the Russian Snayperskaya Vinyovka Dragunov (SVD) sniper rifle, surface to air missile systems (SAMs), and plastic explosives.41 The ISI is also believed to be cooperating with Bangladesh's intelligence service in contacting Bangladeshi insurgents in India's northeastern region and the province of Assam.42

EFFORTS TO BRING THE ISI UNDER CONTROL

The ISI is believed to have assassinated Shah Nawaz Bhutto, the brother of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto,43 in 1985 by poisoning him on the French Riviera. The ISI's intention was to intimidate Bhutto into not returning to Pakistan to push for democratic elections. She refused to be intimidated, and returned home after General Zia was killed in a plane crash. In 1988, she won the Prime Minister's position. 44 By that time, it had become readily apparent to many in Pakistan that the ISI was out of control. That belief was confirmed in 1990 when a commission Bhutto had appointed to look into ISI's activities concluded that the organization ''had the makings of a de facto government.'' Consequently, Bhutto tried to rein in its power. Prior to the release of the report, she had already taken steps to curb ISI's role. Her first step was to halt the practice of appointing a Lieutenant General recommended by the Army Chief of Staff as the Director-General. Instead, in 1989 she renamed Major General Shamsur Rahman Kallue to the post. Next, she borrowed a page from her father, and tried to bring the ISI under her control by promoting generals loyal to her into Pakistan's two other intelligence services, the

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Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), which launched attacks against ISI-backed Islamic extremists, and to the Intelligence Bureau (IB). Unfortunately for Bhutto, these steps drew the ire of Army Chief of Staff General Aslam Beg. Along with her maladroit efforts at influencing other key Army appointments, Bhutto quickly found herself at loggerheads with General Beg, which ultimately led to her dismissal by Pakistan's President in August 1990.45 Under the leadership of Director-General Hameed Gul, the ISI's role in Pakistani politics grew again. ISI's activities are thought to have included rigging the 1990 elections, which brought Nawaz Sharif to his first term as Prime Minister. 46 Like his predecessor, Sharif (1990-1993) also tried to bring the ISI under control. Following his election, he appointed Lieutenant General Javed Nasir as Director-General, even though Army Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Asif Nawaz Janjua had not recommended him. Unfortunately for Sharif, Nasir's appointment seems to have had little influence on the ISI's day-to-day operations .47 During her second term as Prime Minister, Bhutto once again tried to regulate the ISI's power by transferring its responsibility for clandestine operations inside Afghanistan to the Ministry of the Interior. Sections of the ISI close to then-Pakistani President Farooq Leghari had Bhutto's surviving brother, Murtaza Bhutto, murdered outside of his house in Karachi in September 1996. The ISI then undertook a propaganda campaign within the Pakistani media blaming Prime Minister Bhutto and her husband for Murtaza's murder. The cloud of suspicion surrounding Bhutto afforded President Leghari the impetus to dismiss her in November, once again bringing Nawaz Sharif to power.48

THE TALIBAN

Despite trying to curb the ISI's power, Benazir Bhutto had an onerous legacy. Pakistan has long used the ISI's active role in Afghanistan as a means of controlling the Afghan mujahideen and shaping its own regional foreign policy objectives. In 1989, following the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan, the ISI chose to increase Pakistan's strategic strength in the region by establishing an ''Islamic Caliphate'' in Afghanistan.49 In 1994, Bhutto, at the behest of an American oil forum50 and several family friends in Pakistan's army, threw her support behind a group of Islamic Afghan students, known as the Tailbone, then located in the Pakistani city of Kanawha. Absent of any ISI influence, the Taliban at first proved to be particularly successful. Members of warring factions from across Afghanistan left their own camps to rally under the Taliban's flag. The ISI, taking notice of the Taliban's gains, secured financial backing from Bhutto's government and began to recruit students from madrasas all over Pakistan in an effort to support the fledgling Taliban, then led by Mullah Muhammad Omar.51 Using resources and contacts left over from the resistance to Soviet occupation, and with ISI support and training, the Taliban bribed local tribal warlords and conducted guerilla tactics in their efforts to gain power in Afghanistan. In 1996, after two years of fighting, the ISI-backed Taliban managed to defeat most of the warring factions and gained control of approximately ninety-five percent of the country. Since then, the ISI has been accused of actively supporting both the Taliban and bin Laden's terrorist organization, al-Qaeda.52

THE RISE OF PERVEZ MUSHARRAF

During his second term as Prime Minister (1997-1999), Nawaz Sharif again tried to curb the ISI's power, appointing Lieutenant General Ziauddin as Director-General even though the Army Chief of Staff, General Pervez Musharraf, had objected to his

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appointment. In response, Musharraf named Lieutenant General Muhammad Aziz, then ISI's Deputy Director-General, as Director-General of Military Intelligence (DGMI). Musharraf then placed Joint Intelligence North (JIN), the ISI division responsible for conducting clandestine intelligence activities, under Aziz's control. Relations between Sharif and Musharraf deteriorated even further in 1999, when Sharif dispatched Ziauddin to meet with officials in the Bill Clinton administration in Washington, D.C., where they discussed Sharif's concerns over Musharraf's continued loyalty. Returning to Pakistan, Ziauddin was then ordered by Sharif to travel to Kandahar to pressure Taliban leader Mullah Muhammad Omar to stop supporting Islamic fundamentalists in Pakistan and to work with Washington in extraditing bin Laden to the United States. Upon learning of Ziauddin's trip, Musharraf dispatched Aziz to Kandahar, where he instructed Mullah Omar that he was to disregard Ziauddin and instead follow his instructions, which had Musharraf's backing. 53 By now, Sharif was widely viewed by many members of the public and the Army, especially Musharraf, as becoming increasingly dictatorial. Musharraf argued that Sharif was taking too many liberties in his running of the army. On 19 October 1999, in a popularly backed coup, General Musharraf overthrew Sharif and took control of the government, declaring himself Chief Executive. 54 Turning to the ISI, now-President Musharraf dismissed ISI Director-General Ziauddin, and replaced him with Lt.-General Ahmed Mahmud, an Islamic conservative. 55

POST-SEPTEMBER 11

Politicians and political pundits in the United States have repeatedly asserted that everything changed on 11 September 2001. Those words could not have been truer for the ISI's relationship with the United States and Afghanistan. Prior to 11 September, neither the ISI nor the Pakistani government had any desire to hand Osama bin Laden over to the United States. In fact, it is believed that just prior to 11 September, the ISI had dispatched additional operatives to Afghanistan to aid the Taliban. 56 On 11 August, just a month before the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, General Musharraf was quoted in an interview by the Russian newspaper Noviye Izvestia as saying ' 'the Taliban . . . control about 95% of the territory [Afghanistan] and cannot be wished away. . . .We feel that the international community should engage the Taliban rather than isolating them and ostracizing them.'' 57 On 11 September, the ISI's General Mahmud was in Washington at the time of the attacks, and pledged to provide the United States with the intelligence it needed to pursue its war on terror. 58 Despite Mahmud's promises, at least five ISI intelligence officers are known to have assisted the Taliban in preparing Afghan defenses against an imminent American attack. 59 But President Musharraf subsequently forced the ISI to do an about-face regarding its role in Afghanistan. In October, Musharraf sent Mahmud to Kandahar in Afghanistan as part of a diplomatic mission to tell Mullah Muhammad Omar to hand bin Laden over to the United States. Instead, Mahmud did the exact opposite, advising Mullah Omar not to hand bin Laden over. When Musharraf, who has long had strong ties to the ISI, learned of Mahmud's actions, he decided to bring the agency under his control by removing its Director-General, replacing him with Lieutenant-General Ehsan ul-Haq, who is believed to share Musharraf's pro-Western views. Ehsan, considered a moderate and a friend of Musharraf, had previously served as the head of military intelligence, and is widely respected within Pakistan's military and by senior American intelligence officials. 60

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THE ISI'S CONTINUED ROLE IN KASHMIR

While relations between the United States and Pakistan have warmed considerably with the ISI's removal from Afghanistan, relations between India and Pakistan continue to remain tense. India holds Musharraf responsible for the 1999 conflict in the Kashmiri province of Kargil, known as the Kargil War.61 Relations between India and Pakistan became more complicated when, on 13 December 2001, Kashmiri separatists staged an attack on India's Parliament in Delhi. The Indian government under Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayi blamed ISI-backed Islamic militants for the incident and began to mount troops on the POK border. In response, Musharraf, fearing an all-out war with India, is believed to have instructed the ISI to make sure that Islamic militants not carry out any more attacks. 62 The following month, in January 2002, President Musharraf pledged that his country would contribute to the War on Terror, and began to disband the ISI's Afghanistan and Kashmir departments ISI officials have reported that as many as forty percent of those working for the ISI could be reassigned, thereby reducing the ISI staff from an estimated 10,000 to 6,000. By February 2002 intelligence officers within the Afghanistan and Kashmir divisions had already been transferred, with more transfers expected. 63 While the ISI's Afghanistan division is believed to have been closed down entirely, the Kashmir section continues to be more of a challenge since it serves as one of Pakistan's main sources of information on Indian intelligence activities in the region. The ISI also has a long history of providing logistical and military support to Islamic Kashmiri separatists.64 The major sticking point in the ISI's restructuring is the agency's reluctance to shut down the Kashmir division for two primary reasons:

the ISI and the Pakistani government do not trust the Indian government and want to continue to conduct intelligence operations in the region; and

the ISI is already troubled by the loss of its Afghanistan division. President Musharraf may not want to further antagonize the agency by completely shutting down its Kashmir division.65 Under pressure from the George W. Bush administration in Washington, the ISI has also begun to sever its ties with Islamic extremists in the region, most notably with the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen and the Jaish-e-Muhammad groups. 66, 67

In addition, the ISI's domestic political intelligence operations are being transferred to Pakistan's civilian intelligence service, the Intelligence Bureau. 68 President Musharraf, as a former Army Chief of Staff, may better be able to bring the ISI, which is part of Pakistan's military structure, under control. According to Gary Samore of the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London, ''under civilian rule the ISI had a fair amount of independence . . . under Musharraf they are answerable.'' 69 Following the 11 September attacks and the initiation of President Bush's response of a ''war on terror,'' the United States began to rely heavily on intelligence provided by the ISI. In return for American electronic intelligence (ELINT) and financial remuneration, the ISI has provided the United States with human intelligence (HUMINT) of extreme importance because the ISI is believed to possess vast stores of intelligence on bin Laden, al-Qaeda, and the Taliban. In addition, the ISI has detained suspected al-Qaeda operatives as they attempt to cross into Pakistan, and have handed many over to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). A most notable capture of a top-level al-Qaeda operative came in April 2002, when the ISI informed the FBI of the whereabouts of Abu Zubaydah, al-Qaeda's operations chief. This information allowed the FBI to place a tracking device on Zubaydah's car, which eventually led to his arrest by federal agents and deportation to the prison established for the purpose at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.70 Despite their

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cooperation with the U.S. effort, both Musharraf and the ISI have their detractors. Afghanistan's Interior Minister, Younis Qanooni, has accused the ISI of helping bin Laden flee Afghanistan.71 Pakistan, which views Afghanistan's new government as being pro-Indian, has vehemently denied the accusation.72

A FIRM HAND

Until quite recently the ISI has been a ''kingdom within a kingdom,'' answerable to neither the army nor Pakistan's President. Its leaders have used their power to constrain political opponents at home, while conducting various intelligence operations abroad. With the rise of President Musharraf, and Pakistan's strengthened relationship with the United States, enough pressure may now exist to afford Musharraf the opportunity to bring the ISI firmly under government control.

REFERENCES

1 Rahul Bedl, ''Vital Intelligence on the Taliban May Rest with Its Prime Sponsor— Pakistan's ISI,'' Jane's.com, 3 May 2002. Available on the World Wide

385 PAKISTAN'S ISI: THE INVISIBLE GOVERNMENT AND COUNTERINTELLIGENCE VOLUME 16, NUMBER 3

Web: (http://www.janes.com/security/international-security/news/misc/ janes011001-1-nshtml). Intelligence Resource Program, ''Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI),'' Federation of American Scientists, 1 May 2002. Available on the World Wide Web: (http://www.fas.org/irp/world/Pakistan/isi).

2 In 1948, General Cawthorne was a leading member of the British Expeditionary Force stationed in what was about to become the state of Pakistan.

3 Intelligence Resource Program, op. cit., p. 1.

4 SDECE: Service de Documentation Exte rieure et de Contreespionage (the Service of External Documentation and Counterespionage).

5 Rahul Bedl, op. cit., p. 2. Major General Ashok Krishna, AVSM (Ret.), ''The Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan,'' IPCS, Article No. 191, 25 May 1999, p. 1; B. Raman, ''Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI),'' South East Asia Analysis Group, Paper No. 287, 8 January 2001, p. 1.

6 Indranil Banerjie, ''Pakistan's Inter-Service Intelligence in Afghanistan,'' SAPRA India, 20 September 2001, p. 4; Intelligence Resource Program, pp. 1-2; B. Raman, op. cit., p. 1.

7 Intelligence Resource Program, p. 1.

8 Federal Research Division, U. S. Library of Congress, ''Pakistan: The Ayub Khan Era,' ' 1 May 2002. Available on World Wide Web: (http: // lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/cshome,html). See section on Pakistan: Chapter 1, The Ayub Khan Era.

9 B. Raman, op. cit., p. 1.

10 When Pakistan was established, it consisted of two halves: West Pakistan (today's Pakistan), and East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. When the nation was created, Pakistan's political leadership decided that the capital would be in West Pakistan, while the Legislature would meet in East Pakistan.

11 Altaf Guahar, ''Writer Exposes ISI's Role in Pakistani Politics,'' The Nation in English, 17 August 1997, p. 2; Intelligence Resource Program, p. 2.

12 The Director General of the ISI has always been, with a couple of notable exceptions, a Lieutenant, or three-star, General. Under the Director General

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are three Deputy Directors General (DDGs), one from each of Pakistan's military branches: Army, Navy, and Air Force.

13 Following India's independence, Jawaharlal Nehru, its rst Prime Minister, implemented a foreign policy of nonalignment, which afforded India the opportunity to actively engage both the United States and the Soviet Union. As India became more intimately involved with the USSR, U.S. policymakers sought stronger ties with India's neighbor, Pakistan.

14 Major General Yashwant Deva, AVSM (Ret.), ''ISI and Its Chicanery in Exporting Terrorism,'' Indian Defence Review, 1995, p. 8; Altaf Guahar, op. cit., p. 1; Intelligence Resource Program, p. 2; B. Raman, op. cit., p. 2.

15 Intelligence Resource Program, p. 2.

16 Indranil Banerjie, op. cit., p. 4.

17 B. Raman, op. cit., p. 1. 386 SEAN P. WINCHELL INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INTELLIGENCE

18 Ron Nordland, ''A Dictator's Dilemma,'' Newsweek, 1 October 2001, p. 1.

19 Indranil Banerjie, op. cit., p. 4; Rahul Bedl, op. cit., p. 2.

20 Rahul Bedl, op. cit., p. 3; B. Raman, op. cit., p. 3.

21 Rahul Bedl, op. cit., pp. 1-2; Intelligence Resource Program, p. 3.

22 Yashwant Deva, op. cit., p. 3.

23 In the Islamic faith, madrasas are Muslim seminaries for the study of advanced Islamic law, also known as Shari'a.

24 Yashwant Deva, op. cit., p. 3; B. Raman, op. cit., p. 2.

25 Intelligence Resource Program, p. 3.

26 Operation Tupac was named after Tupac Amaru, an eighteenth-century Incan prince who led a rebellion against the Spanish to liberate Uruguay. A leftist guerrilla group named after him functioned for many years in Peru. See Simon Strong, Shining Path: Terror and Revolution in Peru (New York: Times Books/ Random House, 1992), especially pp. 114-115.

27 Intelligence Resource Program, p. 3; John Daily Wilson, ''Describes Activities of ISI in India,'' The Pioneer (Delhi), 30 June 1999, p. 1.

28 Rahul Bedl, op. cit., p. 3; B. Raman, op. cit., p. 3.

29 Rahul Bedl, ibid.; B. Raman, ibid., p. 2.

30 Douglas Jehl, ''Pakistan Cutting Its Spy Units Ties to Some Militants,'' The New York Times, 20 February 2002, p. 1. Tim McGirk, ''Has Pakistan Tamed Its Spies?,'' Time, 6 May 2002, p. 34; John Daily Wilson, op. cit., p. 2.

31 John Daily Wilson, op. cit., p. 2.

32 Ibid.

33 Ibid.

34 General Zia met an untimely end on 19 April 1988 when the Air Force plane in which he was flying exploded mysteriously in midair. What caused the explosion has never been explained.

35 Indranil Banerjie, op. cit., p. 8.

36 Ibid.; Intelligence Resource Program, p. 1; Tim McGirk, op. cit., p. 34.

37 This is approximately 20.56 million U.S. dollars per year.

38 Yashwant Deva, op. cit., p. 5; Intelligence Resource Program, p. 2; Ashok Krishna, op. cit., p. 2.

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39 In 1997 the U.S. State Department declared the HUA a terrorist organization and placed it on America's terrorist watch list.

40 Ashok Krishna, op. cit., pp. 2-3.

41 John Daily Wilson, op. cit., p. 2.

42 Ashok Krishna, op. cit., p. 3.

43 Benazir Bhutto is the daughter of the slain former Pakistani President Zul.kar Ali Bhutto.

44 Intelligence Resource Program, p. 3.

45 Indranil Banerjie, op. cit., p. 5;Douglas Jehl, op. cit., p. 1; B.Raman, op. cit., pp. 5-6.

46 Intelligence Resource Program, p. 3.

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47 B. Raman, op. cit., p. 5.

48 Ibid., p. 6.

49 Indranil Banerjie, op. cit., p. 1.

50 Which particular American oil firm is not listed in any of the source material that I have come across, though several of these documents do stipulate that Prime Minister Bhutto's decisions were at the behest of an American oil .rm.

51 Indranil Banerjie, op. cit., p. 9; Rahul Bedl, op. cit., p. 2.

52 Indranil Banerjie, ibid.; Rahul Bedl, ibid.; Tim McGirk, op. cit., p. 32.

53 B. Raman, op. cit., p. 7.

54 Sharif was arrested, charged with, and convicted of hijacking and terrorism. The charges stemmed from an incident in October 1999 when he refused to allow a plane carrying 198 passengers, one of whom was Musharraf, to land in Karachi. See Owen Bennett Jones, Pakistan: Eye of the Storm (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002), especially Chapter 2, ''The 1999 Coup,'' pp. 34-55; and Mary Anne Weaver, ''Pakistan: In the Eye of Jihad and Afghanistan'' (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2002), Chapter 1, ''General on a Tightrope,'' especially pp. 11-18.

55 Indranil Banerjie, op. cit., p. 7.

56 Rahul Bedl, op. cit., p. 3.

57 Ibid., p. 9.

58 Ibid., p. 1.

59 Tim McGirk, op. cit., p. 35.

60 Rahul Bedl, op. cit., p. 2; David Chazan, ''Pro.le: Pakistan's Military Intelligence Agency,'' BBC's News Online, 9 January, 2002, p. 8; Intelligence Resource Program, p. 4; Douglas Jehl, op. cit., pp. 1-2; Tim McGirk, op. cit., pp. 34-35.

61 The Kargil War was a ten-week conflict in 1999 between the Indian army and Islamic militants (who may have been members of the Pakistani military) who had crossed the line of control from Pakistani Occupied Kashmir into India.

62 Rahul Bedl, op. cit., p. 2.

63 Douglas Jehl, op. cit., p. 1.

64 Ibid., pp. 1-2.

65 Ibid., p. 2.

66 The Jaish-e Muhammad Islamic extremist group is most notable in the West for its kidnapping and murder of Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl.

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67 Douglas Jehl, op. cit., p. 1.

68 Ibid.

69 David Chazan, op. cit., pp. 4-5.

70 Indranil Banerjie, op. cit., p. 3; Tim McGirk, op. cit., p. 33.

71 Many in Afghanistan blame both the Pakistani government and the ISI for the creation of the Taliban, and there currently exists within Afghanistan a strong undercurrent of antipathy to both Pakistan and the ISI.

72 David Chazan, op. cit., p. 6. 388 SEAN P. WINCHELL INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INTELLIGENCE

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