Life of Sri Aurobindo

  Sri Aurobindo : Biography


CHAPTER IV

In Indian Politics

In August 1906 the National College, at Calcutta was established, Sri Aurobindo joined the institution as its Principal.

On 6 August the declaration of the Bande Mataram was filed. There are many conjectures about how the Bande Mataram was started, what Sri Aurobindo's connection with it was and how it ended. We give here Sri Aurobindo's own explanation, so as to set all doubts to rest.

"Bepin Pal started the Bande Mataram with Rs.500 in his pocket donated by Haridas Halder. He called in my help as assistant editor and I gave it. I called a private meeting of the young Nationalist leaders in Calcutta and they agreed to take up the Bande Mataram as their party paper with Subodh and Nirod Mullick as the principal financial supporters. A company was projected and formed, but the paper was financed and kept up meanwhile by Subodh. Bepin Pal who was strongly supported by C.R. Das and others remained as editor. Hemendra Prasad Ghose and Shyam Sunder joined the editorial staff but they could not get on with Bepin Babu and were supported by the Mullicks. Finally, Bepin Pal had to retire, I don't remember whether in November or December, probably the latter. I was myself very ill, almost to death, in my father-in-law's house in Serpentine Lane and I did not know what was going on. They put my name as editor on the paper without my consent, but I spoke to the secretary pretty harshly and had the insertion discontinued. I also wrote a strong letter on the subject to Subodh. From that time Bepin Pal had no connection with the Bande Mataram. Somebody said that he resumed his editorship after I was arrested in the Alipore Case. I never heard of that. I was told by Bejoy Chatterjee after I came out from jail that he, Shyam Sunder and Hemendra Prasad had carried on somehow with the paper, but the finances became impossible, so he deliberately wrote an article which made the Government come down on the paper and stop its publication, so that the Bande Mataram might end with some éclat and in all honour."¹


¹. Sri Aurobindo, On Himself (Pondicherry: Sri Aurobindo Ashram, 1972), PP. 59-60.

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As to what place the Bande Mataram occupied in the country and in the estimation of Englishmen, a letter written by Mr. Ratcliffe, the then editor of the Statesman of Calcutta, to the Manchester Guardian will make it clear:

"We know Aurobindo Ghose only as a revolutionary nationalist and editor of a flaming newspaper which struck a ringing new note in Indian daily journalism.

"It was in 1906, shortly after Curzon's retirement, that Sri Aurobindo and his friends started Bande Mataram (Hail to the Mother). It had a full-size sheet, was clearly printed on green paper, and was full of leading and special articles written in English with brilliance and pungency not hitherto attained in the Indian press. It was the most effective voice of what we then called nationalist extremism."¹

The basic policy of Bande Mataram was: (1) To support Violence against violence. It was shown that it was indispensable to do so. (2) If injustice was not opposed, the enthusiasm, perseverance and unity so necessary to win independence would weaken considerably. (3) To return blow for blow, to stand up against attack, and awaken manhood in the nation. This is very important for an oppressed nation. (4) Treachery and perfidy to the nation do not stop if they are not punished. (5) A nation that wants to be free must be ready to face tyranny and persecution. Oppression is God's method of preparing a nation. As Sri Aurobindo said at Jhalakati in 1909 "We are iron upon his anvil and the blows are showering upon us, not to destroy but to re-create. Without suffering there can be no growth."² The Bande Mataram put before the nation the programme of Boycott, Swadeshi, National Education, and Passive Resistance with the ideal of forming parallel government.

On 13 October the Bande Mataram became a joint stock company in accordance with Sri Aurobindo's suggestion. A board of directors was appointed. The real editor was Sri Aurobindo, but the responsibility belonged to the board. The Government could therefore not prosecute one single individual. Whenever something was found objectionable by the Government someone


¹. The Manchester Guardian, Weekly Edition, 26 December 1950.  

². Sri Aurobindo,  Karmayogin (Pondicherry: Sri Aurobindo Ashram, 1972), p. 62.

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could come forward to accept the responsibility and go to jail if necessary. The brain of the movement could thus escape imprisonment and continue the work. The articles were so cleverly written that they violated the spirit of the law while remaining strictly within its limits.

Sri Aurobindo's practice of Pranayama became very irregular owing to the pressure of political work and at last came to a stop.

From October to December 1906 Sri Aurobindo had a serious illness. He stayed with Bhupal Chandra Bose, his father-in-law, at Serpentine Lane, Calcutta. On 4 November he had very high fever and could not write his editorial for the Bande Mataram. He recovered partially at the end of November, but had a relapse in December. On 11 December Sri Aurobindo went to Deoghar for a change. He returned to Calcutta by 26 December in order to attend the Congress session.

It was at this Congress held at Calcutta under the presidentship of Dadabhai Naoroji that a resolution laying down independence as the goal of the Congress session was passed for the first time. Among the Nationalist leaders who attended were Tilak, Lajpatrai, Khaparde and Khare. It was mainly due to Sri Aurobindo's efforts in the reception committee and the working committee that the resolution was passed. The resolution, once accepted by the Reception Committee, had to get the support of the whole Congress. Private consultations, and meetings were held at the house of Subodh Mullick under Tilak's leadership where this support was secured. Sri Aurobindo's share in securing this support was not insignificant.

To the main resolution demanding Swaraj others were added: viz., Swadeshi, Boycott and National Education. Sir Phirozshah Mehta, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Surendranath Banerjee – the leaders of the Moderate school of politics – were opposed to the resolution. Dadabhai, the president, was undecided in the beginning. But when he found that there was a strong support to the resolution from Bengal and from other parts of India, he accepted it and got it accepted by all. The Congress would have been divided even at Calcutta but for the clever manoeuvring of the Nationalist party and Dadabhai's support. The breach came at Surat in 1907. It is difficult for the reader to imagine today what a great achievement it was to bring in the resolution Swaraj and get it accepted by the Congress. It is after this

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that independence became the accepted goal of the Congress.

Sri Aurobindo met Tagore once during this year (1906) at Tagore's Jorasanko Street residence, where he went in answer to the poet's invitation for dinner. A Japanese artist, Sir Jagadish Chandra Bose and some other prominent people were present. Tagore visited the Sanjivani office now and then where he occasionally met Sri Aurobindo.

Manmohan began his service as Professor of English at Patna and then went over to Dacca where he remained during 1906. He used to come to Calcutta occasionally, and though he used to keep himself away from politics he was proud of Sri Aurobindo's political work. He used to say: "There are only two and a half men in India: one is Aurobindo and the other Barin, and the half is Tilak!"

From 27 January 1907 to early April 1907 Sri Aurobindo was at Deoghar. From 12 to 23 April he published a series of articles on passive resistance in the Bande Mataram. One can see in it clearly the distinction between non-violence and passive resistance.

On 24 July 1907 Bhupendranath Dutt, a brother of Vivekananda, was sentenced for seditious material that appeared in Yugantar. He wanted to offer defence, but Sri Aurobindo said that it was illogical for a revolutionary to recognise a foreign court and its jurisdiction.

On 30 July 1907 there was a search of the Bande Mataram office and on 16 August a prosecution was instigated. Sri Aurobindo was among the accused.

On 23 August 1907 in an address given to the students and teachers of the Bengal National College, Sri Aurobindo said:  "In the meeting you held yesterday I see that you expressed sympathy with me in what you call my present troubles. I don't know whether I should call them troubles at all, for the experience that I am going to undergo was long foreseen as inevitable in the discharge of the mission that I have taken up from my childhood, and I am approaching it without regret."¹


¹.  Sri Aurobiado, Bande Mataram (Pondicherry: Sri Aurobindo Ashram 1972) p. 515.

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On 23 September 1907 Apurva Bose was sentenced to three months as the printer of the Bande Mataram. Sri Aurobindo was acquitted. Tagore (and also many other Nationalists) came to see Sri Aurobindo at No. 12 Wellington Street. Tagore had published his "Homage to Aurobindo" while the prosecution was going on, in anticipation of a sentence. But, as Sri Aurobindo was acquitted, when he came to congratulate him, he said ironically in Bengali as he embraced him: "What! You have deceived us!" (by not going to jail). Sri Aurobindo replied in English: "Not for long will you have to wait," implying that he would not be out of prison much longer.

Mrinalini Devi wrote a letter to Sri Aurobindo on 3 December in which she said, "Abinash will not work for you when he gets married." Abinash was the revolutionary worker who looked after Sri Aurobindo's household.

On the sixth Sri Aurobindo replied to Mrinalini.

6th December 1907.

Dear Mrinalini,

I received your letter the day before yesterday. The shawl was sent the very same day. I do not understand why you did not get it. ...

Here [in Calcutta] I do not have a moment to spare. I am in charge of the writing; I am in charge of the Congress work; I have to settle the Bande Mataram affair. I am finding it difficult to cope with it all. Besides, I have my own work to do; that too cannot be neglected.

Will you listen to one request of mine? This is a time of great anxiety for me. There are pulls from every side that are enough to drive one mad. If at this time you also get restless, it can only increase my worry and anxiety. But if you could write encouraging and comforting letters, that would give me great strength. I should then be able to overcome all fears and dangers with a cheerful heart. I know it is hard for you to live alone at Deoghar. But if you keep your mind firm and have faith, your sorrows will not be able to overwhelm you to such an extent. As you have married me, this kind of sorrow is inevitable for you. Occasional separations cannot be avoided, for, unlike the ordinary Bengali, I cannot make the happiness of family and relatives my primary aim in life. Under these circumstances, there is no way

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out for you except to consider my ideal as your ideal and find your happiness in the success of my appointed work. One thing more. Many of those with whom you are living at present are our elders. Do not get angry with them even if they say harsh or unfair things. And do not believe everything they say is what they mean or is intended to hurt you. Words often come out in anger, without thought. It is no good holding on to them. If you find it absolutely impossible to stay on, I shall tell Girish Babu; your grandfather can come and stay with you while I am at the Congress.

I am going to Midnapur today. On my return I shall make the necessary arrangements here, and then proceed to Surat. That will probably be on the 15th or 16th. I shall be back on the 2nd of January.

Yours

Mrinalini Devi was staying at 29/3, Chhuku Khansama Lane, Calcutta. No definite arrangement was made for her expenses up to 20 December 1907.

On 6 December, twelve miles from Kharagpur, near Narayangarh, an attempt was made on the life of Sir Andrew Frazer, the Governor of Bengal. A bomb was thrown at the train in which he was travelling.

From 7 to 9 December there was a conference at Midnapore. Mr. K. B. Dutt, who was elected President by the Moderates, was not allowed to address the conference on the seventh. The Nationalists convened a separate meeting on the eighth – Sri Aurobindo was their leader. He successfully conducted the conference and arranged to pass resolutions supporting the Nationalist programme. They were forwarded to the ensuing Congress session at Surat. Sri Aurobindo won over many Moderate leaders to the Nationalist side. Sri Aurobindo met Satyendra Bose and Khudiram Bose.

On 15 December 1907 a public meeting was held in Beadon Square. Sri Aurobindo spoke. A resolution supporting the Nationalist programme was passed and was forwarded to the Surat Congress.

On 22 December Sri Aurobindo halted at Nagpur for two days on his way to the Surat Congress. Sir Moropant Joshi was present at the meeting addressed by Sri Aurobindo. He was

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one of those who had taken the oath of the revolutionary society "Lotus & Dagger" while in England. Joshi was now a leader of the Moderates in C. P.

"On my way to the Surat Congress we stopped at Nagpur," said Sri Aurobindo later. "My lecture was fixed in the theatre. On the front bench was sitting Moropant Joshi. Deshmukh was by his side. Joshi was all along gaping at me."1


Surat Congress, December 1907

A week before the sessions both parties – the Moderates and the Nationalists – began their efforts to secure the majority for their side. The Moderates chose Surat as the venue as they thought it would be easy for them to secure a majority there. Tilak, Khaparde, Khare were already there from the Nationalist side. From among the leaders of Bengal, Sri Aurobindo was chosen to preside over the meetings on Balaji Tekra. In one of the speeches he began, "My pen is mightier than my tongue" – a great sutra that came true in his life! All the Nationalist leaders used to meet privately every day under the leadership of Tilak to decide controversial questions. There were peace-makers going from one camp to the other. The atmosphere was surcharged with great excitement. Members of the revolutionary party who had also come in large numbers were arranging their own rendezvous and discussing their plans. On 27 December Barin wrote a note to Sri Aurobindo asking to arrange for personal interviews with the leaders of the Nationalist Party. Tilak, Lajpatrai and others participated in these discussions either personally or through their representatives. They, like Sri Aurobindo, kept the secret movement separate from the public movement; yet they considered the one complementary to the other.

Before the open session of the Congress, Surendranath Banerji, the Moderate leader of Bengal, tried to convene a meeting of all the Bengal delegates to arrive at a unanimous decision. He prepared a draft on behalf of the Moderates of Bengal containing conditions for an agreement with the Nationalists. This was placed before the meeting. Satyen Bose tore up the paper and the meeting dispersed. Sir Phirozshah Mehta, Gokhale and other


¹ Cf. Purani, Evening Talks, Second Series (Pondicherry: Sri Aurobindo Ashram, 1974), p. 287.

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Moderate leaders became doubtful about securing a majority for their resolution.  They depended thereafter on their majority in the Reception Committee. The dispute centred round the resolution passed at Calcutta by the Congress in 1906. The Nationalists wanted to take that as the basis and proceed further in that direction. The Moderates did not want to accept the resolution of 1906 as binding. The Nationalists, when not allowed to move their independence resolution through the Reception Committee, proposed to bring it before the open session. Both the parties decided to test their strength on the proposal for the Presidentship of the Congress. Surendranath proposed Dr. Rash Behari Ghose and Tilak stood up for Lajpatrai. There was an effort to prevent Tilak from addressing the house. It was a signal for pandemonium. Chairs were hurled all about and the police had to be called in to restore order.

It was not a time for political wisdom or calm calculation. The impulse for freedom had awakened in the nation like an irresistible flood. It was not until 1947 — forty years afterwards – that this impulse was at last satisfied in a very large measure.

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